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Sukarno

Sukarno, born Kusno Sosrodihardjo (6 June 1901 – 21 June 1970) was the first President of Indonesia.
Sukarno was the leader of his country's struggle for independence from the Netherlands and was Indonesia's first President from 1945 to 1967. He was forced out of power and replaced by one of his generals, Suharto, and remained under house arrest until his death.

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[edit] Name

The spelling "Sukarno" is frequently used in English as it is based on the newer official spelling in Indonesia since 1947 but the older spelling Soekarno, based on Dutch orthography, is still frequently used, mainly because he signed his name in the old spelling. Official Indonesian presidential decrees from the period 1947–1968, however, printed his name using the 1947 spelling. The Soekarno–Hatta International Airport which serves near Jakarta, the capital of Indonesia for example, still uses the older spelling.
Indonesians also remember him as Bung Karno or Pak Karno.[1] Like many Javanese people, he had only one name; in religious contexts, he was occasionally referred to as 'Achmed Sukarno'.[2]

[edit] Background

Sukarno as an HBS student in Surabaya, 1916.
The son of a Javanese primary school teacher, an aristocrat named Raden Soekemi Sosrodihardjo and his Balinese wife named Ida Ayu Nyoman Rai from Buleleng regency, Sukarno was born as Kusno Sosrodihardjo in Blitar, East Java in the Dutch East Indies (now Indonesia). Following Javanese custom, he was renamed after surviving a childhood illness. He was admitted into a Dutch-run school as a child. When his father sent him to Surabaya in 1916 to attend a secondary school, he met Tjokroaminoto, a future nationalist. In 1921 he began to study at the Technische Hogeschool (Technical Institute) in Bandung. He studied civil engineering and focused on architecture.
Atypically, even among the colony's small educated elite, Sukarno was fluent in several languages. In addition to the Javanese language of his childhood, he was a master of Sundanese, Balinese and of Indonesian, and especially strong in Dutch. He was also quite comfortable in German, English, French, Arabic, and Japanese, all of which were taught at his HBS. He was helped by his photographic memory and precocious mind.[3]
In his studies, Sukarno was "intensely modern," both in architecture and in politics. Sukarno interpreted these ideas in his dress, in his urban planning for the capital (eventually Jakarta), and in his socialist politics, though he did not extend his taste for modern art to pop music; he had Koes Plus imprisoned for their allegedly decadent lyrics despite his reputation for womanising. For Sukarno, modernity was blind to race, neat and Western in style, and anti-imperialist.[4]

[edit] Independence struggle

See also: Dutch Ethical Policy and Indonesian National Revival
Sukarno became a leader of a pro-independence party, Partai Nasional Indonesia, when it was founded in 1927. He opposed imperialism and capitalism because he thought both systems worsened the life of Indonesian people.
He also hoped that Japan would commence a war against the western powers and that Java could then gain its independence with Japan's aid. He was arrested in 1929 by Dutch colonial authorities and sentenced to two years in prison. By the time he was released, he had become a popular hero. He was arrested several times during the 1930s and was in exile when Japan occupied the archipelago in 1942.

[edit] World War II and the Japanese occupation

See also: Japanese occupation of Indonesia
In early 1929, during the Indonesian National Revival, Sukarno and fellow Indonesian nationalist leader Mohammad Hatta (later Vice President), first foresaw a Pacific War and the opportunity that a Japanese advance on Indonesia might present for the Indonesian independence cause.[5] In February 1942 Imperial Japan invaded the Dutch East Indies quickly defeating Dutch forces who marched, bussed and trucked Sukarno three hundred kilometres to Padang, Sumatra. They intended keeping him prisoner, but abruptly abandoned him to save themselves.[6]
The Japanese had their own files on Sukarno and approached him with respect wanting to use him to organise and pacify the Indonesians. Sukarno on the other hand wanted to use the Japanese to free Indonesia: "The Lord be praised, God showed me the way; in that valley of the Ngarai I said: Yes, Independent Indonesia can only be achieved with Dai Nippon...For the first time in all my life, I saw myself in the mirror of Asia."[7]
Subsequently, indigenous forces across both Sumatra and Java aided the Japanese against the Dutch but would not cooperate in the supply of the aviation fuel which was essential for the Japanese war effort. Desperate for local support in supplying the volatile cargo, Japan now brought Sukarno back to Jakarta. He helped the Japanese in obtaining its aviation fuel and forced labor conscripts, called kerja paksa in Indonesian and Romusha in Japanese. Sukarno was lastingly ashamed of his role with the romusha.[8] He also was involved with Peta and Heiho (Javanese volunteer army troops) via speeches broadcast on the Japanese radio and loud speaker networks across Java. By mid-1945 these units numbered around two million, and were preparing to defeat any Allied forces sent to re-take Java.
On November 10, 1943 Sukarno was decorated by the Emperor of Japan in Tokyo. He also became head of Badan Penyelidik Usaha Persiapan Kemerdekaan Indonesia (BPUPKI), the Japanese-organized committee through which Indonesian independence was later gained. On 7 September 1944, with the war going badly for the Japanese, Prime Minister Koiso promised independence for Indonesia, although no date was set.[9] This announcement was seen, according to the U.S. official history, as immense vindication for Sukarno's apparent collaboration with the Japanese.[10] The U.S. at the time considered Sukarno one of the "foremost collaborationist leaders." [11]

[edit] Early independence

Sukarno, accompanied by Mohammad Hatta (right), declaring the independence of Indonesia.
See also: Indonesian National Revolution and Liberal democracy period in Indonesia
Following the Japanese surrender, Sukarno, Hatta, and Dr. Radjiman Wediodiningrat were summoned by Marshal Terauchi, Commander-in-Chief of Japan's Southern Expeditionary Forces in Saigon. Sukarno, viewed by many as a competent leader of the time is forced by the youth groups to initially hesitate in declaring Indonesia's independence - the youth at the time felt that the news of Japanese surrender shall be taken as a golden chance to declare independence before the allies could re-establish a colonial rule in the area, yet Sukarno refused - he was afraid of any bloodbath and war which will be done by the base of suspecting the Indonesians of rebellion against the Japanese by the allied force which would soon take their power back. To force the deadlock to end,he and Mohammad Hatta were kidnapped by Indonesian youth groups to Rengasdengklok, Karawang, not far from Jakarta in order to prepare the Indonesian Independence. Finally Sukarno and Hatta declared the independence of the Republic of Indonesia on August 17, 1945.
Sukarno's vision for the 1945 Indonesian constitution comprised the Pancasila (five principles). Sukarno's political philosophy was mainly a fuse of elements of Marxism, nationalism and Islam. This is reflected in a proposition of his version of Pancasila he proposed to the BPUPKI (Inspectorate of Indonesian Independence Preparation Efforts), in which he originally espoused them in a speech on June 1, 1945[12]:
  1. Kebangsaan Indonesia (Indonesian Nationality), an emphasis on Nationalism
  2. Internasionalisme Internationalism, an emphasis about equality and humanity
  3. Musyawarah Mufakat (Deliberative Consensus), an emphasis on Representative democracy which hold no ethnic dominance but equal vote for each member of the council
  4. Kesejahteraan Sosial (Social Welfare), Marxist influenced, an emphasis on Populist Socialism
  5. KeTuhanan yang Berkebudayaan, Monotheism
In the same speech, he argued that all of the principles of the nation could be summarized in the phrase gotong royong.[13] The Indonesian parliament, founded on the basis of this original (and subsequently revised) constitution, proved all but ungovernable. This was due to irreconcilable differences between various social, political, religious and ethnic factions.[14]
Sukarno and Foreign Minister Agus Salim in Dutch custody, 1949.
Sukarno's government initially postponed the formation of a national army, for fear of antagonizing the Allied occupation forces and their doubt over whether they would have been able to form an adequate military apparatus to maintain control of seized territory. The various militia groups at that time were encouraged to join the BKR—Badan Keamanan Rakyat (The People's Security Organization)—itself a subordinate of the "War Victims Assistance Organization". It was only in October 1945 that the BKR was reformed into the TKR—Tentara Keamanan Rakyat (The People's Security Army) in response to the increasing Dutch presence in Indonesia. In the ensuing chaos between various factions and Dutch attempts to re-establish colonial control, Dutch troops captured Sukarno in December 1948, but were forced to release him after the ceasefire. He returned to Jakarta in December 28, 1949. At this time, Indonesia adopted a new federal constitution that made the country a federal state. This was replaced by another provisional constitution in 1950 that restored a unitary form of government. Both constitutions were parliamentary in nature, which—on paper—limited presidential power. However, even with his formally reduced role, he commanded a good deal of moral authority as Father of the Nation.
Sukarno's government was not universally accepted in Indonesia. Indeed, many factions and regions attempted to separate themselves from his government, and there were several internal conflicts even during the period of armed insurgency against the Dutch. One such example is the leftist-backed coup attempt by elements of the military in Madiun and Mt. Lawu Area, East Java in 1947, which was an attempt to change the NKRI (Unitary State of Republic of Indonesia) into RSI (Rep. Soviet Indonesia - Soviet of the Republic of Indonesia) by the leading PKI (Communist Party of Indonesia) party; many of the PKI partisans died and its power became dormant for the next 2–3 years, before in the late 1950s PKI start to dominate Indonesian politics again. Or attempts of coup such as the DI/TII (Darul Islam/Tentara Islam Indonesia - Darul Islam/Islam Army of Indonesia) coup in West Java, in which SM Kartosuwirjo and fellow separatists tried to create a NII (Negara Islam Indonesia - Islamic Country of Indonesia).
There were further attempts of military coups against Sukarno in 1956, including the PRRI–Permesta rebellion in Sulawesi supported by the CIA, during which an American aviator, Allen Lawrence Pope, operating in support of the rebels was shot down and captured.[15]

[edit] 'Guided Democracy' and increasing autocracy

Main article: Guided Democracy in Indonesia
Sukarno resented his figurehead position and used the increasing disorder to intervene more in the country's political life. Claiming Western-style democracy was unsuitable for Indonesia, he called for a system of "guided democracy." The Indonesian way of deciding important questions, he argued, was by way of prolonged deliberation designed to achieve a consensus. This was the way problems were solved at the village level, and Sukarno argued it should be the model for the entire nation. He proposed a government based not only on political parties but on "functional groups" composed of the nation's basic elements, in which a national consensus could express itself under presidential guidance.
During this later part of his presidency, Sukarno came to increasingly rely on the army and the support of the Communist Party of Indonesia (PKI).
Sukarno at Borobudur with Indian prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru and his daughter Indira Gandhi during their visit to Indonesia
In the 1950s he increased his ties to the People's Republic of China and admitted more Communists into his government. He also began to accept increasing amounts of Soviet bloc military aid. This aid, however, was surpassed by military aid from the Eisenhower Administration, which worried about a leftward drift should Sukarno rely too much on Soviet bloc aid. However, Sukarno increasingly attempted to forge a new alliance called the "New Emerging Forces", as a counter to the old superpowers, whom he accused of spreading "Neo-Colonialism, Colonialism and Imperialism" (NEKOLIM). His political alliances gradually shifted towards Asian powers such as the PRC and North Korea. In 1961, this first president of Indonesia also found another political alliance, an organization, called the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM, in Indonesia known as Gerakan Non-Blok, GNB) with Egypt's President Gamal Abdel Nasser, India's Prime Minister Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, Yugoslavia's President Josip Broz Tito, and Ghana's President Kwame Nkrumah, in an action called The Initiative of Five (Sukarno, Nkrumah, Nasser, Tito, and Nehru). This action was a movement to not give any favour to the two superpower blocs, who were involved in the Cold War.
The Bandung Conference was held in 1955, with the goal of uniting developing Asian and African countries into a non-aligned movement to counter against the competing superpowers at the time. In order to increase Indonesia's prestige, Sukarno supported and won the bid for the 1962 Asian Games held in Jakarta. Many sporting facilities such as the Senayan sports complex (now Bung Karno Stadium), and supporting infrastructure were built to accommodate the games. There was political tension when the Indonesians refused the entry of delegations from Israel and Taiwan.
On November 30, 1957, an assassination attempt was made by grenade attack against Sukarno when he was visiting a school in Cikini, Central Jakarta. Six children were killed, but Sukarno did not suffer any serious wounds. The perpetrators were members of the Darul Islam rebellious group, under the order of its leader Sekarmadji Maridjan Kartosuwirjo. In December he ordered the nationalization of 246 Dutch businesses. In February he began a crackdown on the PRRI rebels at Bukittinggi.
These PRRI rebels, a mix of anti-communist and Islamic movements, received arms and aid from Western sources, including the CIA, until J. Allan Pope, an American pilot, was shot down after a bombing raid in northern Indonesia in 1958. The CIA sent arms to rebel movements on Sumatra as well as Sulawesi. The downing of this pilot, together with impressive victories of government forces against the PRRI, evoked a shift in US policy, leading to closer ties with Sukarno as well as Major General Abdul Haris Nasution, the head of the army and the most powerful anti-communist in the Jakarta government.
Sukarno also established government control over media and book publishing as well as laws discriminating against Chinese permanent residents (China Totok). On July 5, 1959 he reestablished the 1945 constitution by presidential edict. It established a presidential system which he believed would make it easier to implement the principles of guided democracy. He called the system Manifesto Politik or Manipol—but was actually government by decree. He sent his opponents to internal exile.
In March 1960 Sukarno dissolved the elected Assembly (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat) and replaced it with an appointed Assembly—the Gotong Royong Parliament.
In August Sukarno broke off diplomatic relations with the Netherlands over Dutch New Guinea (West Papua.) After West Papua declared itself independent in December 1961, Sukarno ordered raids on West Irian (Dutch New Guinea). There were more assassination attempts when he visited Sulawesi in 1962. West Irian was brought under Indonesian authority in May 1963 under the Bunker Plan.
In July of the same year People's Consultative Assembly (Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat) proclaimed Sukarno as President for Life.
Sukarno also opposed the British-supported Federation of Malaysia, claiming that it was a neocolonial plot to advance British interests. In spite of his political overtures, which was partly justified when some political elements in British Borneo territories Sarawak and Brunei opposed the Federation plan and aligned themselves with Sukarno, Malaysia was proclaimed in September 1963. This led to the Indonesia–Malaysia confrontation (Konfrontasi). Domestically, Sukarno whipped up anti-British sentiment and the British Embassy was burned down. In 1964 Sukarno stirred up an anti-American campaign that saw American interests and businesses in Indonesia denounced and even attacked. As a result, US aid to Indonesia was halted. Sukarno withdrew Indonesia from the UN membership in 1965 when, with US backing, the nascent Federation of Malaysia took a seat of UN Security Council. With the government severely indebted to the Soviet Union, Sukarno turned to Communist China for support and spoke increasingly of a Peking-Jakarta axis.[16] Sukarno's increasing illness was demonstrated when he collapsed in public in August 9, 1965, and he was secretly diagnosed with kidney disease.

[edit] Removal from power

Main article: Transition to the New Order
On the night of 30 September 1965, six of Indonesia's most senior generals were killed by a movement calling themselves the "30 September Movement" (G30S) which claimed to be in control of the government. Major General Suharto, commander of the Army's strategic reserves, took control of the army the following morning.[17] Suharto issued an ultimatum to the Halim Air Force Base, where the G30S had based themselves and where Sukarno (the reasons for his presence are unclear and were subject of claim and counter-claim), Air Marshal Omar Dhani and Aidit had gathered. By the following day, it was clear that the incompetently organised and poorly coordinated coup had failed.[18] By 2 October, Suharto's faction was firmly in control of the army. Sukarno's obedience to Suharto's 1 October ultimatum to leave Halim is seen as changing all power relationships.[19] Sukarno's fragile balance of power between the military, political Islam, communists, and nationalists that underlay his "Guided Democracy" was now collapsing.[18]
In early October, a military propaganda campaign began to sweep the country, successfully convincing both Indonesian and international audiences that it was a Communist coup, and that the murders were cowardly atrocities against Indonesian heroes.[20] The PKI's denials of involvement had little effect.[21] The army led a campaign to purge Indonesian society, government and armed forces of the communist party and other leftist organisations. Leading PKI members were immediately arrested, some summarily executed.[20] The purge spread across the country with the worst massacres in Java and Bali.[21] (see: Indonesian killings of 1965–66) In some areas the army organised civilian groups and local militias, in other areas communal vigilante action preceded the army.[22] The most widely accepted estimates are that at least half a million were killed.[23] It is thought that as many as 1.5 million were imprisoned at one stage or another.[24]
As a result of the purge, one of Sukarno's three pillars of support, the Indonesian Communist Party, had been effectively eliminated by the other two, the military and political Islam. The killings and the failure of his tenuous "revolution" distressed Sukarno and he tried unsuccessfully to maintain his influence appealing in a January 1966 broadcast for the country to follow him. Subandrio sought to create a Sukarnoist column (Barisan Sukarno), which was undermined by Suharto's pledge of loyalty to Sukarno and the concurrent instruction for all those loyal to Sukarno to announce their support for the army.[25] In February, Sukarno reshuffled his cabinet, sacking Nasution as Defence Minister and abolishing his position of armed forces chief of staff, but Nasution refused to step down.
A meeting of Sukarno's full cabinet was held at the Presidential Palace on 11 March 1966. As students were demonstrating against the administration, unidentified troops began to assemble outside. Sukarno, Subandrio and another minister immediately left the meeting and went to the Bogor Palace by helicopter. Three generals were dispatched to the Bogor palace and they met with Sukarno who signed for them a Presidential Order known as Supersemar. Through the order, Sukarno assigned Suharto to "take all measures considered necessary to guarantee security, calm and stability of the government and the revolution and to guarantee the personal safety and authority [of Sukarno]". The authorship of the document, and whether Sukarno was forced to sign, perhaps even at gunpoint, is a point of historic debate. The effect of the order, however, was the transfer of authority to Suharto. After obtaining the Presidential Order, Suharto had the PKI declared illegal and the party was abolished. He also arrested many high ranking officials that were loyal to Sukarno on the charge of being PKI members and/or sympathizers, further reducing Sukarno's political power and influence.
Sukarno was stripped of his presidential title by Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat Sementara (Provisional Peoples Representative Assembly) on March 12, 1967, led by his former ally, Nasution. He was arrested and remained under house arrest until his death from kidney failure in Jakarta on June 21, 1970 at age 69. He was buried in Blitar, East Java, Indonesia. In recent decades, his grave has been a significant venue in the network of places that Javanese visit on ziarah and for some is of equal significance to those of the Wali Songo.[citation needed]
While the semi-official version of the events of 1965–1966 claims that the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) ordered the murders of the six generals, others blame Sukarno, and still others believe Suharto orchestrated the assassinations to remove potential rivals for the presidency.[26]

[edit] Family

Sukarno married Siti Utari circa 1920, and divorced her to marry Inggit Garnasih, who he divorced circa 1931 to marry Fatmawati.[27] Sukarno also married Hartini in 1953, after which he and Fatmawati separated without divorcing. In 1959 he married a third wife, the then 19 year old Japanese Dewi Sukarno.[28] Sukarno went on to marry 7 more wives: Oetari; Kartini Manoppo; Ratna Sari; Haryati; Yurike Sanger; Heldy Djafar; Amelia de la Rama.
Megawati Sukarnoputri, who served as the fifth president of Indonesia, is his daughter by his wife Fatmawati. Her younger brother Guruh Sukarnoputra (born 1953) has inherited Sukarno's artistic bent and is a choreographer and songwriter, who made a movie Untukmu, Indonesiaku (For You, My Indonesia) about Indonesian culture. He is also a member of the Indonesian People's Representative Council for Megawati's Indonesian Democratic Party – Struggle. His siblings Guntur Sukarnoputra, Rachmawati Sukarnoputri and Sukmawati Sukarnoputri have all been active in politics. Sukarno had a daughter named Kartika by Dewi Sukarno.[29] In 2006 Kartika Sukarno married Frits Seegers, the Netherlands-born chief executive officer of the Barclays Global Retail and Commercial Bank.[30] Other offspring include Taufan and Bayu by his wife Hartini, and a son named Toto Suryawan Soekarnoputra (born 1967, in Germany), by his wife Kartini Manoppo.

[edit] Awards

[edit] See also

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[edit] References

[edit] General

  • Kahin, Audrey R. and George McT. "Subversion as Foreign Policy: The Secret Eisenhower and Dulles Debacle in Indonesia", The New Press, 1995.
  • Blum, William. Killing Hope: US Military and CIA Interventions Since World War II, Black Rose, 1998, pp. 193–198
  • U.S. Central Intelligence Agency, Research Study: Indonesia—The Coup that Backfired, 1968, p. 71n.
  • Bob Hering, 2001, Soekarno, architect of a nation, 1901–1970, KIT Publishers Amsterdam, ISBN 90-6832-510-8, KITLV Leiden, ISBN 90-6718-178-1
  • Oei Tjoe Tat, 1995, Memoar Oei Tjoe Tat: Pembantu Presiden Soekarno(The memoir of Oei Tjoe Tat, assistant to President Sukarno), Hasta Mitra, ISBN 979-8659-0-31 (banned in Indonesia)
  • Lambert J. Giebels, 1999, Soekarno. Nederlandsch onderdaan. Biografie 1901–1950. Biography part 1, Bert Bakker Amsterdam, ISBN 90-351-2114-7
  • Lambert J. Giebels, 2001, Soekarno. President, 1950–1970, Biography part 2, Bert Bakker Amsterdam, ISBN 90-351-2294-1 geb., ISBN 90-351-2325-5 pbk.
  • Lambert J. Giebels, 2005, De stille genocide: de fatale gebeurtenissen rond de val van de Indonesische president Soekarno, ISBN 90-351-2871-0
  • Ricklefs, M.C. (1991). A History of Modern Indonesia since c.1300. MacMillan. ISBN 0-333-57690-X. 
  • Panitia Nasional Penyelenggara Peringatan HUT Kemerdekaan RI ke-XXX (National Committee on 30th Indonesian Independence Anniversary), 1979, 30 Tahun Indonesia Merdeka (I: 1945-1949) (30 Years of Independent Indonesia (Part I:1945-1949), Tira Pustaka, Jakarta

[edit] Notes

  1. ^ Bung is an Indonesian term of endearment analogous to 'older brother', Pak is used more formally as 'sir' or 'father'.
  2. ^ In Search of Achmad Sukarno Steven Drakeley, University of Western Sydney
  3. ^ Ludwig M., Arnold (2004). King of the Mountain: The Nature of Political Leadership. University Press of Kentucky. p. 150.
  4. ^ Mrazek, Rudolf (2002). Engineers of Happy Land: Technology and Nationalism in a Colony. Princeton University Press. pp. 60–1, 123, 125, 148, 156, 191. ISBN 0691091625. ; Kusno, Abidin (2000). Behind the Postcolonial: Architecture, Urban Space and Political Cultures. Routledge. ISBN 0415236150. 
  5. ^ Sukarno; Adams, Cindy (1965). Sukarno: An Autobiography. Bobbs-Merrill. pp. 92. ; Legge, John David. Sukarno: A Political Biography. Singapore: Archipelago Press. pp. 101–102. ISBN 978-9814068642. 
  6. ^ Friend, Theodore (2003). Indonesian Destinies. The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. pp. 27. ISBN 0-674-01834-6. 
  7. ^ Friend, Theodore (1988). The Blue-Eyed Enemy: Japan Against the West in Java and Luzon 1942–1945. Princeton University Press. pp. 82–84. ISBN 0691055246. 
  8. ^ Sukarno (1965). Sukarno: An Autobiography. Bobbs-Merrill. pp. 192.  cited in Friend, Theodore (2003). Indonesian Destinies. The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. pp. 29. ISBN 0-674-01834-6. ; Adams, Cindy (1967). My Friend the Dictator. Bobbs-Merrill. pp. 184–186. 
  9. ^ Ricklefs (1991), page 207
  10. ^ "The National Revolution, 1945–50". Country Studies, Indonesia. U.S. Library of Congress. http://countrystudies.us/indonesia/16.htm. 
  11. ^ Kolko, Gabriel. The Politics of War. page 607
  12. ^ Smith, Roger M (ed) (1974). Southeast Asia. Documents of Political Development and Change. Ithaca and London. pp. 174–183. 
  13. ^ Bung Karno, Indonesia Calling
  14. ^ Emmerson, Donald K. (ed.) (1999). Indonesia Beyond Suharto: Polity, Economy, Society, Transition. Armonk, New York: M.E. Sharpe. pp. 3–38. , section: Robert Cribb, ‘Nation: Making Indonesia’
  15. ^ Roadnight, Andrew (2002). United States Policy towards Indonesia in the Truman and Eisenhower Years. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 0333793153. 
  16. ^ Hughes (2002), p. 21
  17. ^ Ricklefs (1991), p. 282.
  18. ^ a b Ricklefs (1991), pp. 281–282.
  19. ^ Friend (2003), p. 105.
  20. ^ a b Vickers (2005), p. 157.
  21. ^ a b Ricklefs (1991), p. 287.
  22. ^ Vickers (2005), pages 158–159
  23. ^ Ricklefs (1991), p. 288; Friend (2003), p. 113; Vickers (2005), p. 159; Robert Cribb (2002). "Unresolved Problems in the Indonesian Killings of 1965–1966". Asian Survey 42 (4): 550–563. doi:10.1525/as.2002.42.4.550. 
  24. ^ Vickers (2005), pp. 159–60.
  25. ^ Ricklefs (1991), p. 288.
  26. ^ Friend, Theodore (2003). Indonesian Destinies. The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. pp. 103–109.. ISBN 0-674-01834-6. 
  27. ^ "Djago, the Rooster". TIME. 1958-03-10. http://www.time.com/time/printout/0,8816,863059,00.html. Retrieved 2009-04-20. 
  28. ^ Mydans, Seth (1998-02-17). "Jakarta Journal; Weighty Past Pins the Wings of a Social Butterfly". The New York Times. http://www.nytimes.com/1998/02/17/world/jakarta-journal-weighty-past-pins-the-wings-of-a-social-butterfly.html?sec=&spon=&pagewanted=print. Retrieved 2009-04-20. 
  29. ^ "Jakarta Journal; Weighty Past Pins the Wings of a Social Butterfly," The New York Times
  30. ^ "Seegers joins the Barclays superstars," Times Online
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